Johannes Nugroho: Why Is Malaysia Pushing for Closer ASEAN Defense Ties?

Jakarta Globe, Johannes Nugroho, Mar 10, 2015

(JG Graphics/Josep Tri Ronggo)

Ahead of the 9th ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting (ADMM) in Langkawi, Malaysia next weekend, Malaysian Defense Minister Hishammudin Hussein said last month that as chair, his country would push for the formation of an ASEAN peacekeeping force. The initiative, though not new, represents a step further in Malaysia’s attitude towards greater integration for ASEAN.

The peacekeeping force, if indeed established, will officially be designated for humanitarian operations in conflict zones and natural disaster sites. However, it will also be the first regional force through which member nations can work together in a defense framework. If successful, it has the potential to transform the nature of ASEAN member states’ engagement vis-à-vis China.

Malaysia’s sponsorship of the scheme during its chairmanship is important as, traditionally, Kuala Lumpur has preferred greater economic cooperation to defense with its ASEAN partners. In the past, Malaysia was also opposed to any ASEAN policy that could be interpreted as a “class action” against Chinese interests. Its caution was perhaps in line with the views of experts on South China Sea such as the Indonesian former top diplomat and academic Hasjim Djalal, who argued that the formation of an “ASEAN Unity” against China could be dangerously counterproductive.

So Malaysia’s past strategy was to deepen trade and economic ties with Beijing, thus increasing the stakes involved should a conflict develop. However, despite being China’s biggest trading partner within ASEAN, Malaysia was not immune to Beijing’s barrage of criticisms and rebukes after the MH370 incident. Clearly for Kuala Lumpur, the strategy was no longer working.

While abandoning lucrative trade with China would be a folly, Malaysia arguably now looks to the multilateral framework of ASEAN with new hopes. A regional peacekeeping force is far from being a defense pact like NATO but it will send out an unmistakable signal to Beijing that a united ASEAN response on security matters is plausible.

ASEAN countries with recent experiences of Chinese intransigence, such as Vietnam and the Philippines, will definitely welcome a more coherent ASEAN group response and the formation of a peacekeeping force. It is the other member states that will need to be convinced of the need of such a force.

Out of the seven remaining members of ASEAN, Indonesia’s acquiescence in the peacekeeping force will no doubt be crucial. As a founding member, as well as being the largest Southeast Asian economy, Indonesia’s participation, or lack of it, could either make or break the scheme.

Strategically, a multilateral security blanket like an ASEAN peacekeeping force coincides with Indonesia’s own interests. As a country prone to natural disasters, Indonesia could expect speedy relief aid from such a force. While, as the 2004 Aceh tsunami showed, the country can still rely upon humanitarian assistance from friendly neighbors like India and Australia, an ASEAN disaster relief task force in such a scenario makes more sense.

President Joko Widodo’s doctrine of maritime fulcrum could also be put into effect in tandem with such a regional force. Diplomatically, the country’s participation in the force may minimize concerns over excessive nationalism in Indonesia’s approach to border infringement. Indeed, the safety of the country’s maritime territory could be better served by cooperating with the regional force over issues such as illegal fishing. A general code of conduct over illegal fishing in ASEAN waters, for example, administered with the help of the regional force, could also keep skirmishes over the impounding of vessels between member states to a minimum.

However, despite the possible benefits, it remains to be seen whether Jakarta will support the idea of an ASEAN peacekeeping force. There are at least two indicators which may work against it.

First, since Jokowi took office last year, his foreign policy has been inward-looking. The current nationalist tone of Indonesia’s relations with the world may preclude such a regionalist move.

Second, there are signs that the current government will increase Indonesia’s economic engagement with China. With major infrastructure projects envisaged in the last election campaign, Beijing’s financial leverage may simply be too hard to resist. In the event of sizeable Chinese investments pouring into Indonesia, Jakarta may find its ability to support closer ASEAN defense ties compromised.

Malaysia’s championing of an ASEAN peacekeeping force is a marked departure from its previous policy on ASEAN cooperation. The strength of its determination to see it through, however, will be tested in the forthcoming ADMM. It will be interesting to see if Malaysia’s change of heart in its approach to ASEAN will be enough to persuade others to follow suit.

Johannes Nugroho is a writer from Surabaya. He can be contacted at johannes@nonacris.com.

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