Google – AFP, Carol Huang (AFP), 12 August 2013
![]() |
Photo taken
on September 25, 2012 shows a staff member dressed as
a Revolutionary Guard at
a museum near Chengdu (AFP/File, Mark Ralston)
|
BEIJING —
As a teenager radicalised by China's Cultural Revolution, Zhang Hongbing
denounced his mother to the authorities. Two months later a firing squad shot
her dead.
Now after
more than 40 years of mounting guilt, Zhang has ruffled the silence that cloaks
China's decade of turmoil with a public confession.
Such rare
apologies have been welcomed as a potential gateway to the collective
soul-searching that could bring healing -- but is blocked by a ruling Communist
Party whose critics say is unwilling to confront its own responsibility.
"Back
then everyone was swept up and you couldn't escape even if you wanted to. Any
kindness or beauty in me was thoroughly, irretrievably 'formatted'," Zhang
told the Beijing News last week.
"I
hope that from my self-reflection other people can understand what the
situation was like at that time."
![]() |
Photo taken
September 25, 2012 shows
'Little Red Books' containing the thoughts
of Mao
Zedong at a museum near
Chengdu (AFP/File, Mark Ralston)
|
"Red
Guard" youths abused their elders -- officials, intellectuals, neighbours,
relatives -- dragging them into "struggle sessions", ransacking their
homes and driving some to suicide.
Many
targets were jailed or killed, and while no official figure has been issued,
one Western historian estimated half a million people died in 1967 alone.
Zhang
reported his mother in 1970 for criticising Mao, and military officials came to
their home, assaulted her and took her away.
But as the
political winds changed -- a few years after the Cultural Revolution ended, a
court in his native central Anhui province recanted his mother's sentence --
Zhang began to rethink as well.
"I
will never forgive myself," he said.
Only a
handful of public confessions have appeared, mostly in recent years as the
Revolution's once-heady teenagers enter their 60s.
Wen Qingfu
from the central province of Hunan cited age as a spur for admitting in an
essay in June that, following orders, he once led a mob to storm the home of a
teacher whose son he often played with.
"When
people get old they look back and reflect," he told a provincial
newspaper. "If I didn't apologise now we would both get too old."
Wen acted
in time to see his victim's daughter reply in a public letter on behalf of her
frail mother: "You can let go of your guilt."
Many
Chinese have embraced these apologies, even though wide airing of past wrongs
might invite a spate of legal action, said Ding Xueliang, a Cultural Revolution
expert at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.
In a rare
trial stemming from the era, a court in Zhejiang province in April sentenced a
man in his 80s to 42 months in prison for a 1967 murder.
Still, Ding
said, "the positive consequences would go far beyond the negative ones...
to collective soul-searching, to build a more law-based society".
But China's
ruling party prohibits such discussion, which would inevitably broach the
question of its own ugly role. Any trial or apology tends to skirt around this
central issue, say academics.
"Individual
responsibility is one part of this," said Xu Youyu, a researcher at the
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
"Some
things are basic, for example, you can't hit people or humiliate or persecute
them."
But the
confessions "have not touched on the more important or fundamental
issues," he said, and if they did, "there might be a question of
whether the discussion could continue".
Shortly
after Mao died in 1976 the campaign was ended, and the authorities hung blame
on the controversial Gang of Four leaders headed by Mao's wife Jiang Qing,
jailing them in 1980.
![]() |
Photo from
February 21, 2013 shows a
woman walking past an exhibition of
Cultural Revolution-era photos in Beijing
(AFP/File, Mark Ralston)
|
Mao was
deemed to have been 70 percent right and 30 percent wrong, having made
"gross mistakes" but far greater contributions.
And with
that a curtain over the matter was drawn.
Former
premier Wen Jiabao briefly referenced the period last year, warning that China
should never retread such "historical tragedies".
The remark
-- seen as a rebuke to the recently disgraced leader Bo Xilai who had
championed "red revival" -- heartened those who support freer
discussion of the decade, but the impact of Wen's words ended there.
Virtually
no museums, memorials or films in China explore the Revolution, except for
little-known private efforts such as one museum in southwestern Sichuan
province that refers discreetly to a "Red era".
In a public
apology published in June, Liu Boqin of Shandong province in the east detailed
his crimes and listed his victims, but only vaguely referenced the political
directives that drove him.
Instead he
cited "youth and ignorance, being incited, wicked, not distinguishing
right and wrong" for having hounded teachers and vandalised homes.
"Although
being swept up in the environment of the Cultural Revolution was one
reason," he wrote, "I as an individual bear responsibility for my
evil actions."
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