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Villagers
write ballots at voting booths inside a classroom at a school, turned
into a
polling station, at Wukan village in Lufeng, Guangdong province
February1,
2012. (Credit: Reuters/Bobby Yip)
|
(Reuters) -
Residents of a restive village in southern China held a symbolic election on
Wednesday, a small step towards grassroots rights in a centre that is now a
benchmark of rural defiance against land grabs and corruption that blight
villages nationwide.
The
rebellion last year against abuse of power and the illegal sale of hundreds of
hectares of farmland in coastal Wukan have become a benchmark of rural defiance
against land grabs and corruption that blight villages nation-wide.
More than
6,000 villagers streamed into a school amid brilliant sunshine. The open-air
election was held in a courtyard before a red election banner as patriotic
songs blared from speakers.
At the end
of polling, villagers burned unused ballot papers and clapped in jubilation at
a largely orderly and trouble-free poll with turnout well over 80 percent.
"This
far exceeded our expectations," said Yang Semao, a village elder who
helped officiate. "It shows our passion for democracy."
Earlier,
Xue Jianwan, daughter of village protest organizer Xue Jinbo, who died in
police custody last year sparking further protests, visited her father's
memorial in the village square before voting. His body, which family members
said bore marks of torture, has yet to be returned by authorities.
"This
is something my father would have hoped for," she said, bursting into
tears after casting her ballot. "We just want to do our best to fulfill
his final wishes."
The poll
will select an independent election committee to oversee upcoming ballots,
including one for the village committee on March 1.
With
China's top leadership jockeying for power ahead of a succession in the autumn
that will usher in a new generation of leaders, the smooth handling of the
Wukan unrest has been paramount for Guangdong's Communist Party boss Wang Yang,
one of the country's most prominent officials.
Several
dozen police in green uniforms and caps guarded the entrance of the school,
with several police vans nearby.
Flanked by
sea and mountains in a remote pocket of the economic powerhouse of Guangdong
province, villagers had looked forward to Wednesday's ballot after suffering
under the previous Communist party village secretary, toppled in last year's
turmoil after decades in the post.
"For
40 years we've never had a proper election," said a bouffant-haired
villager named Chen Junchao ahead of the election of the 11 election committee
members by around 7300 eligible voters.
"I've
never seen these papers before," said Chen, clutching a white ballot
registration slip stamped with a red ink government seal. "I was crying
when I saw this."
Not all
were optimistic. One young woman with a baby swaddled against her said she was
concerned a power struggle was under way for the March 1 village committee
seats that could see some of the old corrupt guard regain influence.
"I'm a
little worried for the future," she said, declining to give her name.
A few
villagers scuffled angrily with election officials, saying they were issued no
voter registration slips and refused permission to vote. Otherwise, polling
appeared smooth, though underlying bitterness and suspicion remained.
UNREST LED
TO ELECTORAL STEPS
Village-level
elections are common, if still stage-managed by the Communist Party. The
situation in Wukan, however, is unique in that its fledgling electoral steps
were wrought from the jaws of unrest.
After
rioting in September, residents expelled the old village guard and barricaded
themselves in for a 10-day stand-off in December.
The move
forced concessions from Wang's provincial government, which acknowledged there
had been mistakes at the local level and granted the village a chance to wipe
the slate clean and elect true people's representatives.
The
Communist Party, which maintains single-party authority across the government,
from Beijing to the province, city, county and township, wields absolute
control, but began experimenting with grassroots democracy in the 1980s under
then paramount leader Deng Xiaoping.
The approach
to Wukan contrasts sharply with the response to recent unrest among ethnic
Tibetans, who have been met with truncheons and bullets that killed several
protesters in Sichuan province. The success of his approach could be pivotal
for Wang's prospects to advance to the top echelons of power at the Communist
Party's 18th Congress later this year.
While
grassroots level elections are common, so are efforts to influence the outcome
from above.
"Before,
if someone wanted to get elected, they'd spend 30,000 yuan ($4,700). Today,
they spend 10 times that. This is really indicating the competitiveness going
on," said Baogang He, chair of international studies at Deakin University
in Australia and author of "The Democratization of China."
With Wukan,
he said: "Everyone is watching, so this time it's probably unlikely. But
naturally it happens. Maybe they will hold dinners, then hand out cigarette
packs."
Few expect
the ripples of Wukan's experiment with more democracy to spread far.
"I think
if higher ups don't intervene and they reach a truly fair election, then we are
hopeful about the situation in Wukan," said Li Fan, director of the World
and China Institute in Beijing. "But overall, we are not optimistic
because top-down intervention is common."
(Additional
reporting by Sisi Tang in Hong Kong, Editing by Brian Rhoads and Ron Popeski)

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