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| In this Thursday, Jan. 19, 2012 photo, shoppers pay for their groceries at the Kwangbok Area shopping center in Pyongyang, North Korea. (AP Photo/Kim Kwang Hyon) |
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Pyongyang.
In his last public appearance, late North Korean leader Kim Jong Il went
shopping.
He peered
at the prices affixed to shelves packed with everything from Pantene shampoo to
Pabst Blue Ribbon beer. And he nodded his approval of Pyongyang’s version of
Walmart, which was soon to open courtesy of China.
The visit
played up a decidedly un-communist development in North Korea: A new culture of
commerce is springing up, with China as its inspiration and source. The
market-savvy Chinese are introducing the pleasures of the megamart to a small
niche of North Koreans, and flooding the country’s border regions with cheap
goods.
And they
are doing it with the full approval of North Korea’s leadership. The new
consumerism is part of a campaign launched three years ago to build up the
economy, and so the image of new leader Kim Jong Un.
At the
Kwangbok area supermarket in downtown Pyongyang, that translates into lime
green frying pans, pink Minnie Mouse pajamas, popcorn and a line of silvery
high heels sparkling in the sunlight.
“It is very
good to come to this shop and buy goods which I like by feeling them and
looking over them myself,” said shopper Pak So Jong, bundled up in a winter
jacket with a furry collar, as she examined bags of locally made sweets and
biscuits a few days after the store’s opening.
In many
ways, North Korea can seem like the land time forgot. Dignitaries are ferried
around in ancient but immaculate Mercedes Benzes, and the boxy, beige
telephones at the five-star Koryo Hotel look like something out of “Austin
Powers.”
Billboards
in the capital, Pyongyang, are likely to feature the latest Workers’ Party
slogans, not advertisements, and there are no shopping malls, McDonald’s golden
arches or Starbucks coffee shops.
At least,
not yet.
Outside
Pyongyang, much of the country remains impoverished. Millions rely on
state-provided food, but poor agricultural yields mean they’ll get only a
fraction of what they need to survive, according to the World Food Program.
Still,
there are signs that a newfound consumer culture is taking hold both in Pyongyang
and in the border towns where Chinese-made goods are bought and sold every day.
Pyongyang
Department Store No. 1 regularly stages exhibitions of goods to show off what
deputy manager Kim Ja Son calls “socialist commerce,” borrowing a phrase
attributed by state media to Kim Jong Il.
The
displays boast what North Korea’s newly modernized factories are producing,
including perfume, rubber boots, silk blankets and hand towels printed with the
words “peace” and “friendship.” What the North Koreans aren’t making themselves
is coming in from China: cellphones, laptop computers, cars, Spalding
basketballs, bicycles, pressure cookers, karaoke machines, ping pong sets, even
Gucci knockoffs.
Business
with China, North Korea’s largest trading partner, has boomed in the last two
years. In 2010, North Korea did $3.5 billion in trade with China, a 30 percent
increase from the previous year. And for the first 11 months of 2011, that
figure was up to $5.1 billion, a jump of nearly 70 percent from 2010, according
to China’s Commerce Ministry.
And it’s
not just Chinese-made goods on North Korean shelves. The Kwangbok shopping
center is also introducing North Korean shoppers to popular American, European
and Japanese items they’ve never seen before: Skippy peanut butter, Spanish
olive oil and Snoopy, all shipped in from China.
The
Kwangbok center was born when North Korea recruited China’s Feihaimengxin
International Trade Co. to partner with its Korea Taesong Trading Corp. to
transform the old shop in the Kwangbok district of western Pyongyang into a
gleaming supermarket. Feihaimengxin has a 65 percent stake in the supermarket,
according to the Beijing-registered private company — an unusual arrangement
for North Korea, where most enterprises are state-owned and the ruling
philosophy is “juche,” or self-reliance.
But as the
new consumerism is reshaping the face of the capital, it is also stretching an
already huge gap between elites in Pyongyang, who have access to valuable
foreign currency, and working-class people elsewhere, who have few ways to add
to their low salaries.
At
Kwangbok, a bottle of Great Wall red wine from China costs 81,000 North Korean
won — about 300 times the cost of a typical Korean meal. A jar of honey goes
for 36,100 won, or about a third of the average monthly salary in 2010 of
103,000 won, according to estimates provided by the Bank of Korea in Seoul.
North Korea
has not published economic figures for decades. The US State Department puts
North Korea’s annual gross domestic product at $1,800 per person, with 20
percent of the nation’s income coming from agriculture and 48 percent from
industry in 2010.
Even the
way the relatively rich and the poor shop is different.
Most North
Koreans rely on limited rations from government-subsidized stores in every
neighborhood. They supplement their rations with goods from local markets,
called “jangmadang,” where they can bargain over prices.
In
Pyongyang, middle-class shoppers buy items the old-fashioned Soviet way in dim,
narrow shops: Customers line up to make their requests to a saleswoman behind a
long counter, who then retrieves the items from a small selection on shelves
behind her. No browsing, and not much choice even if you could.
Only the
rich can afford to shop at the newfangled supermarkets, where customers choose
from an array of goods and then take them to a cashier. At the Pothongmun
Street meat and fish shop in central Pyongyang, the city’s premier butcher and
fishmonger, trained cashiers scan and tally up the items. Some even accept the
two debit cards available in North Korea to foreigners and locals flush with
euros, US dollars or Chinese renminbi.
This
Western style of shopping is still novel in North Korea, and two would-be
shoppers looked perplexed by refrigerated display cases piled high with
pyramids of canned whale meat and chubby rolls of kielbasa, and freezers on the
floor stocked with quail meat, goose, chicken and even vacuum-packed pig
snouts.
“Pick the
items yourself and put them in the basket,” a saleswoman in red gently advised
them.
The
consumer drive mirrors one 50 years ago, when Kim Il Sung was rebuilding North
Korea from the ruins of the Korean War. The communist bloc was still intact,
and the people were focused on building their fledgling nation. By the 1970s,
North Korea had the stronger economy of the two Koreas, before the famine and
tension of the 1990s.
North
Korea’s new economic campaign seeks to draw on the people’s memories of that
time and their reverence for Kim Il Sung, as well as to create a foundation for
the leadership of Kim Jong Un.
For three
years, Kim Jong Il laid the groundwork for his son’s ascension by ushering in a
new, two-pronged focus on the economy along with defense, and made it clear
that there was nothing wrong with reaching out to old allies like China. Kim
made four extensive trips to China in the last two years of his life, and
shopping was high on his sightseeing list.
In May
2010, he visited a supermarket in the Chinese city of Yangzhou run by Suguo
Supermarket Co. “Well done!” store officials quoted him as saying in comments
posted to the Web site of China Resource Vanguard Co., the Hong Kong-based
company that owns the supermarket chain.
North
Korea’s welcome to Chinese commerce is felt not just in Pyongyang but also in
the border towns. In Rason, in the far northeastern corner where North Korea,
China and Russia meet, trucks haul in goods from China, thanks to a road paved
with help from the Chinese. At an indoor market visited by The Associated Press
last August, women stood behind tables piled high with shampoo, binoculars and
high heels. One woman was selling rabbit meat, another live chickens.
Some
analysts see the boom in Chinese trade as a political move motivated by
Beijing’s desire to ensure stability in neighboring North Korea and to buy
clout in Pyongyang. However, others say it’s pure economic strategy by Chinese
companies expanding their reach across Asia.
For the
North Koreans, the Chinese model offers a safe and sanctioned way to explore
commerce within the confines of socialism.
“China is
the conduit through which the North Korean economy is becoming more
internationalized,” said Andray Abrahamian, executive director of the Choson
Exchange, a Singapore-based nonprofit group that since 2009 has conducted
workshops on business and economic policy for North Koreans.
There’s a
newfound thirst among North Koreans to learn about business management and
financial policy, and a noticeable openness to all things foreign, said
Abrahamian, who has traveled to North Korea several times over the past two
years. He said younger North Koreans see business as a way to get ahead — a
distinct change from a few years ago, and not just in Pyongyang.
“People in
Rason say the attitude in that region toward foreigners has improved remarkably
in the last few years as people get comfortable with the idea of trading with
foreigners,” he said.
Still, the
traditional wariness kicks in. During his visit to a market in Rason, officials
warned him not to take photos.
Back in
Pyongyang, the Kwangbok supermarket is bustling. Shoppers navigate carts up and
down aisles packed with 20 types of toothbrushes, a dozen varieties of beers,
red carry-on suitcases and rows of black bicycles. In the produce aisle, most
of the fruit and vegetables are already sold out.
Salesgirls
in fire-engine red jackets deftly ring up shoppers’ items and count out their
change. One lane is reserved for foreigners, who are allowed to change their
money into North Korean won to pay for their goods.
Kim Myong
Sim, 32, said she couldn’t help but think of late leader Kim Jong Il while
shopping at Kwangbok, the place where he last appeared in public. Like most
North Koreans, she weaves an obligatory comment about the leader into what she
says, even as she chastises her nephew squirming next to the cart.
“You’re
getting a lot of love and buying a lot of tasty goodies, Yong Gu,’” she
admonished, trying to wrest a cellphone from his mittened hands. “You’ve got to
say ‘thank you’ to your aunt before you run off. You’ve got to give thanks to
the fatherly general (Kim Jong Il) as well.”
Outside the
store, ornate red and gold plaques commemorate the Dec. 15 visit of Kim Jong Il
and his son Kim Jong Un. High above the plaques, the Korean name of the store
is written in red.
Beneath it,
the Chinese name is written in green.
Associated Press

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