Now is no time for ASEAN to stop supporting Palestine

The China Post, 4 July 2011

For decades, it used to be the only common position that ASEAN held with pride: unwavering support for the Palestinians' right to self-determination.

In every joint communique as a result of ASEAN ministerial meetings that referred to the international situation, the ministers would never budge and quite readily back any statement on such rights. At the moment, however, the ASEAN members no longer see eye-to-eye on the future of Palestine.

At the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Bali last month, the 120-nation bloc expressed strong support for an independent Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital.

But Thailand, Burma and Singapore were among the 30 NAM members that have not come forward with their positions for the two-state solution. The Palestinians plans to ask the U.N. General Assembly (UNGA) to recognize their territory in September. Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa has already urged their colleagues to do so as soon as possible.

Obviously, this issue will top the agenda at the ASEAN ministerial meeting in Bali later this month. Jakarta hopes to forge a consensus on this possibly divisive issue.

ASEAN views on the Israel-Palestinian conflict have evolved and hardened over time since it was first mentioned in ASEAN's 1980 joint communique.

Whenever the ASEAN chair belonged to Muslim nations, particularly Indonesia and Malaysia, the grouping's joint communique would usually touch on issues related to the Middle East, West Asia and Africa. In a certain year when a situation arose which demanded an ASEAN response, the communique would also contain a strong common view.

For instance, in the 1982 statement issued in Singapore, ASEAN condemned Israel's aggression against Lebanon, called for a ceasefire and demanded the unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon.

When it was Jakarta's turn to reflect on the Middle East in 1984, the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people featured prominently. A year later in Kuala Lumpur, the communique reiterated this issue and urged these rights be speedily restored. However, the Iran-Iraq war, crisis in Lebanon, economic situation in Africa and Afghanistan were also mentioned.

The ASEAN attitude improved during the 1990s and reached its peak in 1997, when it mentioned the legitimate rights and interests of all states concerned. But the impasse of Middle East peace process and Gaza controversies incrementally frustrated ASEAN's position. The joint statements the past two years criticized Israel over the Gaza Strip's occupation harshly. Last year, ASEAN openly condemned Israel's attacks on flotilla carrying aid to the Palestinians in Gaza.

As a group, ASEAN relations with Israel could be better — it can easily become a dialogue partner. However, both Indonesia and Malaysia are still influential when it comes to formulating the grouping's positions regarding the country and the Middle East situation. Like rubbing salt into the wounds Indonesian and Malaysian civil society groups are also actively involved in international efforts and activities to end the blockade of Gaza by Israel. As the two countries' political and economic clouts augment in the global stage, the attitude of ASEAN is likely to be tougher.

It is interesting to note that Thailand used to be one of ASEAN's strongest supporters of Palestine's right to self-determination. The country was the last ASEAN member to join NAM in 1993 in Jakarta where its delegates met with the late Yasser Arafat during the summit and pledged strong support for their rights.

Former Foreign Minister ACM Siddhi Savetsila, who is currently a member of the Privy Council, was the key mover in softening Thailand's position to make it more sympathetic to the Palestinian cause during the 1980's. He authorized former deputy foreign minister Prapas Limphapandu to speak with Palestinian authorities at international meetings. Palestinian diplomats based in Hanoi were in regular contacts with Thai counterparts there and during their stopovers in Bangkok. It was under Siddhi that Thailand voted to condemn the U.S. bombing of Tripoli, Libya in 1986 while Thailand served as the president of U.N. Security Council.

At the end of last year, Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya also met with the Palestinian delegation at the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) and promised to throw Thailand's support behind the Palestinians. However, Thailand's current recalcitrance also reflects the growing complexity of the issues involved. As far as the decision is concerned, the current acting government is not in the position to do so pending the July 3 election. Unfortunately, the decision could have been made long time ago.

Moreover, it also shows the level of sensitivity and friendship of Thailand and Israel, which goes back to 1954 when they established diplomatic ties. For decades, Israel has provided much assistance in agricultural and irrigation projects as well as science and technological know-how to Thailand. Over 20,000 Thai workers are working in kibbutz throughout Israel including in the West Bank and Gaza Stripe. Thai victims due to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict received quick and proper compensations.

Granted the strong ties between the Thai-Israel security sectors, it is easy to see the military's footprint in the Thai ambivalence. It is an open secret that some of the Thai conventional forces were exclusively trained by the Israeli commanders, who used to participate in battles with Palestinians.

Despite Israel's heavy lobbying, it is highly likely that Thailand would vote alongside the majority of U.N. members when push comes to shove. Bangkok still has a few weeks to ponder its policy before a new government is established in mid-September in time for the UNGA.

If it votes against the so-called “united for peace” resolution, it may greatly damage Thailand's overall ties with the OIC, which just concluded its ministerial meeting in Kazakhstan last week. Furthermore, it would complicate the situation in three provinces, which Thailand has garnered increased support among OIC members over its policies and governance. Both the NAM and Arab League have already said they would recognize a Palestine state. They have also demanded that Israel ends the illegal blockage of Gaza, which has caused so many international outcries.

Come September, ASEAN leaders have to demonstrate as a group to the world body they are serious and not a bunch of hypocrites, when it comes to the long standing advocacy of the Palestinian rights.

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